Tuesday, 30 September 2014

The Comte de Paris' account of the Battle of Glendale

My French is very poor, but with some help I have translated the Comte de Paris' account of the Battle of Glendale from his journal (published in France as Voyage en Amérique - amazon.fr link). It is an interesting account, and it differs in several parts to the only author who has quoted fragments of it in their account of the battle (Sears). I may comment further at a later date, but now I'll simply put it up. Errors expected, obviously.

The Battle of Glendale according to Phillipe, Comte de Paris



The day of the 30th was, I think, the hottest I have ever experienced. In the morning, the General sent me to see the position of the side of White Oak. Smith occupied it. The bridge was destroyed, but the enemy was still showing a few skirmishers. To his left was Slocum, who had taken his place in line since the arrival of Heintzelman and Sedgwick, McCall and Richardson. The troops were in lines in the wood, parallel to the road and a little distance back, giving free passage to the trains.

Once our camp was established we set out for the James River, the General had remained for a while in a neighboring house called Glendale. The heat was stultifying. Hundreds of soldiers lined up at a muddy pit to get a sip of dirty water. The Staff was demoralized. General Marcy, too old for such an exercise, was broken. Colburn was ill and completely annihilated. The rest were growing isolated in a frightening way. Finally, everyone felt that if a panic were to disrupt the Army, the fatal moment had arrived.

The enemy, however, had still not made a serious demonstration, and everyone was wondering what this incessant waiting meant. My uncle Joinville, with his speedy and correct instinct, observed the road from Richmond meeting in New Market Cross Road and opening of the center of our long line. He was convinced that the enemy, once he had information about our march, would descend from Richmond by these roads and, finding no obstacle, would make a great effort to cut in half our line. He had guessed perfectly correctly, and Longstreet himself the next day told McCall, now a prisoner, that such was exactly the plan of Lee.  They hoped thereby to cut off the James River from our rear-guard, so the bridge was the vital and needed to be defended at all costs. My uncle spoke to the General about this, and soon McCall was sent to reinforce the troops that were already occupying that position.

It was about nine or ten in the morning. Here is what our situation was then. It was known that Keyes and Porter had earlier in the morning reached the James River, and had occupied Haxell, Turkey Bend and Malvern Hill. Between them and the rest of the army was an unoccupied space. However, it was discovered to the left of the Quaker Road roads through the woods which formed runs to the edge of the river. Heintzelman had quit his earlier position on the Charles City Road. He had since positioned Kearney between this road and the Cross Road and Hooker was pushed forward on the Quaker Road. Sumner and Franklin were the rear-guard, extending to White Oak Bridge. McCall was ordered to occupy the same Cross Road and connect his right with Kearney, Sumner was ordered to take position on the left of McCall. The General went himself reconnoiter this important position. During this time, he sent me to Hooker. This was the last time I saw this brave soldier. I found him as calm and resolved as he was at Williamsburg and Fair Oaks.

The General joined us and ordered Hooker has to form with his right on the road descending from the Cross Road toward Malvern and was told that Sumner would form on him the extreme left of our line.

Mr. LeClerc, our French domestic, and our Irish grooms (all on horseback and carrying as much food as possible in their saddlebags) formed a column that followed the Army Staff. As no one knew what would happen, and, in the case of a rout, it was necessary to ensure that all our people could get out of the battle. However, no news, no noise heralded any attack by the enemy. The General, after having thus organized the troops who were to cover the march of our trains wanted to go personally reconnoiter the positions by the James River on which he could concentrate his army and ensure the state of affairs in Porter and Keyes. This was because, as the army approached them, and as time went by, these points became more important and the chances of an attack there were increasing. He set off at a trot, and the long and fast ride was sorely felt some members of the Military Staff, especially Wright and Judge Grant whose riding left much to be desired. We continued down the Quaker Road and soon the ground rose, the woods thinned and gave way to a slightly undulating plateau, open and well cultivated. These are the foothills of Malvern Hill. The General examined the field carefully and repeatedly. I heard him say to himself: "Magnificent position, but it would take 30,000 men to defend." A little beyond was Malvern Hill; a wide oval convex hill covered only by a few clumps of Locust Trees which gave shade to the cottages there. Its southern slopes are steep and forested but between the northeast and west, the slopes are gentle and open, admirably adapted to artillery. Upon reaching the top of the hill the road bifurcates. There, we found a picket of cavalry which informed us that the direct route to the right was not yet reconnoitered. We descended and along the foot of the hill was a wooded valley adorned with fresh grass and clear water, we had arrived in the vast glade of Haxall, where we found Couch’s encamped division.

A few more steps and we are on the banks of the James River; here Keyes had established his headquarters. It is hard for us to say but everyone felt the jamboree when their eyes saw the goal of our efforts. This beautiful river like the Rhine at Cologne flowed slowly between two banks lined with high forests; a burning sun gilded his yellow waters such as the Nile and framed the lush scene with a special luster. Three or four gunboats were anchored in the middle of the river flying the Stars and Stripes. A great crowd of stragglers ran to refresh themselves in its waters or on its edges were gathering, simply because they represented for them the impending end of their march, or rather to ascertain for themselves the presence of the ships with the big guns which were seen as the only effective protection against an enemy they expected every moment to appear. The contrast was striking between this oasis of calm and the perilous situation of the army. Indeed, it was necessary to completely disrupt the propagation of this thinking to seek protection under the guns of the fleet, or we would have seen then regiments merge into a tumultuous crowd that lining the banks of the James, who, unable to be effectively protected by a few guns against the attacks of an enemy emboldened by success, would eventually be pushed pell-mell into the cul-de-sac formed by the confluence of the Chickahominy and James. The thought weighed on all commanders and especially on General McClelland that at any moment, a simple accident could magnify into a huge disaster and irreparably damage their clever plans.

However, it was hoped that things would turn out differently. When night arrived, the troops had to retreat and take up the next morning a concentrated position anchored on Turkey Bend, where they could wait with impunity the attacks of the enemy, and our trains could find safety. So if the day went well, if the enemy did not affect us until the evening, then the harsh reality would be that thankfully the retreat would be accomplished, hopefully with fewer losses than the Battle of Gaines' Mill. The army once established in a good position would be proof against further Confederate attacks, and all who knew Americans would predict it to reorganize quickly and quickly return to action after a few days. This marked the opportune moment for us to resume our suspended projects interrupted by the events of previous days. Uncle Joinville spoke to General McClellan about our resignation letters submitted on the 22nd. It was agreed that if the day went well, that is he considered as accomplished the dangerous operation in which we had to share the fate of our comrades, we would leave in the evening on a boat heading Fort Monroe, acting as couriers for the first dispatches the General sent.

However, we returned to Malvern Hill that was occupied by the remains of the Sykes’ division, and several batteries of reserve. Morell’s division occupied a clearing along the James at the foot of Malvern. Between this clearing and the hill through the thick woods snaked the Quaker Road, already flooded with our trains. At the point the road descends the hill into a wood, where it joined a different path, which I have already mentioned, coming down from Richmond along the banks of the James. It was the middle of a thick wood that these two roads came together. The junction point was important and dangerous. It was likely that Wise’s division, which was known to be encamped for several days at Drewry's Bluff, would come and attack us. This would cause inexpressible trouble to our movement by; taking our troops in flank, threatening the road that led them to James, and appearing in the midst of the trains and crowds of stragglers. Peck was sent to occupy that position. Morell advanced to be within supporting distance.

To Keyes and his Staff was entrusted the difficult task of reassembling and reordering the stragglers who were beginning to arrive on Quaker Road not singly, but in groups of ten, twenty and even forty. Their number increased with frightening rapidity, and when we returned to Malvern Hill, we were not very sure of ever seeing the James River and the gunboats ever again.

At Malvern Hill, we stopped in a house belonging to a former volunteer of the Mexican war who lost a leg in the fighting of the campaign. This high point enabled us to see all the surroundings. In front of us, surrounded by a cloud of dust, was our endless convoy of wagons as far as could be seen; sometimes there is a shudder. The Teamsters are urging their horses, wagons, and disaster seems imminent, then everything falls into place. The rest of the Generals Headquarters joins us, and we learn that a bloody battle has pounded Smith, who successfully defended the passage of White Oak Bridge against Jackson. Our losses have been serious, and in a violent cannonade from one side of the swamp to the other, Mott saw all the guns of his battery successively dismounted. However, Franklin assures us he can hold until the evening.

However, a dull and difficult to distinguish noise seemed to reveal a fight on the side of New Market Cross Road. Soon Radowitz, who has been running around since the morning, joins us. Nothing had troubled him so far, but despite his calm and silence, his countenance promised bad news. I never knew what he told the general, but I think it was a panic in the convoy, caused by some shells astray the battle of New Market Cross Road.

Shortly after, the General mounted his horse. We charged Mr. LeClerc to go with our column, we expect to Haxall along the James, which was the expected rendezvous, and followed the General. To our astonishment the General himself turned that way. I will not judge him on this point, not knowing what information he had. I do not know if he was informed of the bloody and important fight was occurring at the Cross Road. My brother and I were privately annoyed not to have  the satisfaction of attending this last fight, but after having eagerly seized the opportunity to take part in the Battle of Gaines' Mill, we were true soldiers, obedient to duty with complete disregard of danger, but to expose oneself without utility is the mark of an amateur.

So we followed the General to the James. There was a house the Signals Corps had established as a station. I was left there with Hammerstein, while the General was taking my uncle, my brother, very ill then, and General Marcy aboard the Galena, which carried the flag of Rodgers. When important news arrived it was my duty to personally bring it to the General. Some came immediately and I was told it was good. The General was found at a table with the officers of the navy and my message being delivered, I hastened to snag part of the food. When you have lead for a few days such a rough life, it feels very out of place arriving on a ship where everything is clean, and the ships officers have white linen bedsheets and can get a good dinner and a good wine on a whim.

The dispatch I brought was from Heintzelman. He announced that the enemy made ​​a terrible attack at the Cross Road, that McCall had broken, but Kearney had restored the fight, and that the enemy had been repulsed with the heavy losses, and that he (Heintzelman) was preparing to make a counter-offensive to reconquer lost ground and cover our movement. To indicate the state of mind of a few people I would note that General Marcy, who is very deaf, having trouble hearing the extended orders the General gave from a high point, thought he understood that Heintzelman and Sumner had been surrounded and taken prisoners with all their forces. He seemed distressed, but not astonished.

I returned ashore with some orders and with the intention of preparing our departure, if things continue to go well. I found our column a little bewildered. Soon, I gave our grooms instructions for giving our horses to the people we had promised them to the last fortnight. I gave them some money and assured them we had the permission of the General, I brought Mr. Leclerc, our domestics and our small luggage aboard the Galena from which we were intended to tranship to another steamer that night.

But as soon as we were aboard, the signals announced signals that we see a body of enemy troops moving on the position of Peck, and at the same time a cannonade engaged the side of Malvern Hill. Soon, the Galena and one other gunboat were steaming rapidly up the river. Here it is so deep that the Galena can dock to the banks, but overconfident in this, our driver made ​​a wrong move and planted the bow right into an old pier made of earth and wood. The position was unpleasant because the bank was occupied by the enemy, and fifty sharpshooters in the woods ambushed us and we could not return fire. Fortunately, the Galena pulled away and the two steamers only had paintwork damaged. It was thought that the enemy had concentrated his reserves. The gunboats elevated their big guns at a considerable angle to exceed the rather high banks of the river, and opened fire on the woods, aiming just behind the line indicating the smoke of battle. While the two pieces of Galena, a Parrott of 100 pounds and a [8]-inch Dahlgren were firing, the ship shook with their detonations. Looking down from the crow's nest we could see their projectiles bursting through the trees, we could not believe that they had no effect, and watched the shot like it was a game. The damage caused was not great, but it seems from the tales of the enemy, that the moral effect was considerable. These huge shells arrived without warning, breaking all the trees and bursting with noise, throwing into confusion the troops were which were massing to attack Malvern Hill and the position of Peck. They abandoned the attack and the fight stopped just before sunset.

So too, we have the precise details of everything that occurred during the day. I indicated the position that the troops took before noon, mentioning the murderous attack that pushed Smith.

About four o’clock, the enemy having finally massed between the marsh and the river of considerable force, some from Richmond, the rest probably coming via Gaines Mill, the Chickahominy and head of the swamp, made their major attack on the center of our line. This was the decisive action because the actions of Savage and White Oak Bridge were only rear-guard affairs, and Malvern Hill merely a desperate attempt.  The great attack on New Market Cross Road had great chances of success and promised many other results. The corps of AP Hill and Longstreet, who had fought at Gaines Mill, came from the left. Magruder, who had not been committed the foregoing days, came directly from Richmond on the right. All their efforts converged on New Market Cross Road. The attack began on our right. McCall's division, reduced to 6,000 men, which was in advance of all the others, sustained the attack of the enemy alone. This fight was one of the worst of the war, the Confederates advancing on the guns without canister, and only musketry might stop them. The Pennsylvanians did not yield an inch of ground, and more than once it came to bayonets. The batteries were taken and retaken many times. Old Biddle was killed, Meade hurt. Finally, the left of McCall was broken, a number of guns taken and the enemy turned McCall on that side. However they met four brigades of Sumner’s corps (two had stayed in White Oak Bridge) who arrested him and restored the fight. The line formed again. Hill, Longstreet and Magruder resumed the attack at once. In desperate fighting in the woods, without any possibility for maneuver, it all depends on the individual soldier's tenacity. It must be terrible. McCall was pressed on the right and soon after taken prisoner himself. Then Kearney intervened in time and drove the enemy back. Sumner, shaken at this moment in time was reinforced by his last two brigades; the impetuous valor of Magruder could not move Hooker; and gave him the opportunity to make a large number of prisoners.

Finally, the enemy was so fatigued that he stopped the attack, but it was for a renewed effort on our left against Peck and Sykes, but he did so tentatively, and, as I said, the shells of Galena troubled him and he stopped the fight.

In the latter case, one of our English companions, Captain Lamy, who had climbed a Locust Tree to see the country, saw a shell bursting on the same tree trunk. He went down as fast as the proverbial rat and is still talking about this adventure.

The enemy was thus pushing down the line. Our trains had already travelled down to Harrison's Landing and the night was done, allowing the troops to make their last move. Daybreak was sure to see them concentrated in a position they could easily defend against any enemy.

The moment of departure had arrived for us. The sense of honor that had kept us with the Army of the Potomac during this difficult ordeal was satisfied. We had done our duty on this side, and our other duties to the Empire had to be resumed.

[Skip several pages of goodbyes, and his opinions about how Stanton had destroyed the Peninsula campaign]

In the evening, General McClellan left the Galena and established his General Headquarters at Malvern Hill. The success of New Market Cross Road made it, I think, his desire to maintain the line to White Oak rather than retire directly to Harrison's Landing. However Franklin, not expecting to be able to maintain his position, evacuated during the evening. With this news Sumner and Heintzelman found themselves obliged to do so too. It was, I think, a happiness because the line was too extended. The general then decided definitely to concentrate all his army on Malvern Hill.

Wednesday, 3 September 2014

Timeline Review - Burnished Rows of Steel

I've previously reserved these critical reviews for published AH books on the Trent Affair, like Harry Harrison's Stars and Stripes Forever. However, here I will engage in criticism of an AH "timeline" created by an American PhD student, Ty Smith. This is an abridged version as I had 2,000 words of criticism of the mistakes made in his Battle of Rouses Point alone! I will these stop myself at about a paragraph (maybe two) each for most points.

Burnished Rows of Steel is a timeline based upon a war arising from the Trent Affair. It is an Ameriwank/ Britscrew is evidenced by it's author rather egregiously declaring the British would need more than 13 million troops in Canada to successfully defend it (post 323). No guessing which way the war in Canada will go in this timeline is there?

The general technique being applied is that the Americans are allowed to make sudden leaps in technology/ logistics etc., whereas for the British the most mundane tasks, like sailing across the Atlantic become Herculean tasks. In some ways this is a rerun of the technique Harry Harrison used in his Stars and Stripes series, and the TL shares much in common with it.

Summary Timeline

Oct '61 - The St. Albans Raid occurs, only three years (to the day) too early.
Nov '61 - Trent Affair, made worse by the attack on Rinaldo
Dec ' 61 - Vermont troops ambush and massacre British troops around the Vermont border
Jan '62 - For no reason the British start acting like the US climbed down
Feb '62 - Ft Donelson falls as per OTL
Apr '62 - The British attempt to occupy Ft Montgomery and fail, the rest of the forces move to Portland and are still besieging it 5 months later
May '62 - Americans conquer most of Canada
upto Sep '62 - not a lot changes

1. Where is the Border?

TS states the British were invading Vermont when they crossed a bridge over the Coaticook River. In fact the border is technically about 50 m south of the bridge, being a simple straight line on a map. However if the train didn't stop at the station one can see the problem. However, as if they knew by telepathy the Vermont Militia ambush the train, kill and wound 156 regulars and militia and capture the rest. What a massive overreaction.

The Vermont Militia are puzzling. OTL the entire militia along with new recruits were mustered into the 1st Vermont Infantry in 1861, which had since been discharged and the vast majority of them reenlisted leaving about 150 militiamen in the whole state. This showed in August '62 when an attempt to call out the militia failed to produce more than half a battalion. It's doubtful the Vermont Militia would have won a firefight about several hundred regulars. To preserve any sense of realism one could assume that the Vermont government refused to hand over the 1st Vermont Cavalry to the Federal government citing the need to guard the border.

2. Norfolk?

TS fails to understand that OTL Norfolk was never assaulted. Huger abandoned it with all his stores, guns etc. when McClellan succeeded in gaining Yorktown. The assault by Burnside is against a massively superior force (outnumbering him more than 2:1) with heavy artillery covering all the possible landing beaches. It is simply impossible.

3. HMG Declares War when?

Using a misinterpretation of the declaration of war against Russia in 1854 TS argues that the British would spend months naval gazing. TS has in fact made the Trent Affair worse by having the USS San Jacinto then attack HMS Rinaldo (naturally the American wins, despite being outgunned 9 guns to 6 and being a slower ship) .

In fact HMG declared war against Russia the first working day after news their ultimatum was rejected. Following the Crimean schedule the news of Britains declaration of war should reach America in mid-January. This is pretty standard throughout the whole TL - slowing down the British, leading us onto:

4. Where is the British Army?

In the OTL troop movements to America were cancelled when news reached the UK of Americas climbdown. TS has then cancelling troop movements even with them planning to declare war at least opportune time for then (i.e. after the Americans get all their armies in place but before the St. Lawrence thaws).

5. Seniority? Regimental Names?

A petty point, but TS keeps putting senior officers under their juniors. He also doesn't understand the rank structure in the British Army, or why the 67th has a second Lt-Col.

TS also doesn't know the the county names of regiments were never used. The 16th did not refer to themselves as the "Bedfords" but rather "The Old Bucks", a name acquired in 1782 stressing their seniority.

6. Magic Trains at Rouses Point

There is no railroad connecting Plattsburgh and Rouses Point OTL. The Hudson and Delaware Railroad runs north from Plattsburgh and the closest it comes to Rouses Point is where it crosses the Ogdensburg and Lake Champlain RR 12 miles west of Rouses Point. Ergo the closest one could get to the action via rail is 12 miles away - the best part of a days march. Hooker's Division should have been walking further.

On this subject, the capacity of a boxcar is 40 men or 8 horses. A large train could carry a regiment of infantry, a battery of guns or a squadron of cavalry. TS has whole brigades getting on single trains, with the entraining and detraining taking no time at all. They are apparently TARDIS like, bigger on the inside and able to teleport, if not time travel.

7. HMS Terror

TS seems to think the Terror needs towing. This would be news to her crew who sailed her to Bermuda without tow in 1860, and have been cruising along the American coast for over a year. It would also be news to the crew of USS Dacotah who nearly opened fire on her off St. Thomas in late '61.

8. USS Mississippi

USS Mississippi, an old side-wheeler with a 6 gun broadside meets the faster and more modern HMS Racoon, with an 11 gun broadside (the heavy smoothbores may have been partially replaced with rifled guns). Naturally, as the American is only outgunned ca. 2 to 1 she rapidly finishes off the Racoon. The battleship Edgar and the ironclad Terror then proceed to smash Mississippi. However Mississippi's sacrifice allows two fast merchant steamers to run into Delaware Bay, and obviously a full battleship and an ironclad designed to work in the littoral don't enter despite there not being anything to stop them.

9. Portland

Banks has three divisions concentrated (Richardson's Sedgwick's and what was historically Butler's) to defend Maine. The British are going to attack by taking all their remaining defensive forces from Canada and Nova Scotia and land by ship, regardless of just how difficult getting the troops there was, the fact that the St. Lawrence is still frozen, and that it will leave the Province of Canada undefended.

The navy of course, despite having ironclads and full battleships refuse to challenge two weak, antique forts with an insignificant armament. The RN of course are famous for refusing to engage the enemy when they have a major advantage, it's far too unsporting. The landing force is of course stopped in their tracks by half a Union division and apparently they settle into a siege. Despite having total seapower domination, a massive manpower advantage because they've been boosted to 3 TS pattern British divisions (i.e. about 5 OTL ones) and assumidly surrounding the place the plucky Americans are still holding out in September where TS has currently got to. 

10. Upper Canada

The Union have formed a two Corps army under Grant to invade Canada by gutting other armies. One Corps is McCook's with half of Buell's Army, and another is under Sherman with half of Grant's Army. Lets cut a long story short, Grant have a magic wand and they occupy Upper Canada in July. Lets not worry that OTL Williams started preparing Toronto as a "Sebastapol" on 2nd December '61. Lets not even consider that with 8 months preparation the British might have an effective defence at Toronto.

Part of the problem here might by TS refusing to acknowledge that the Canadian militia may expend during threat of war. He also refused to acknowledge the existence of Williams embodying nearly 50,000 militia in late December '61. Ergo ITTL there are simply no defenders to man those works because they're all busy besieging Portland.

11. Torpedoes?

Of course, the Americans invent the spar torpedo several years early, and proceed to blow up a British battleship with them. Obviously that's how invention works, just because these were invented in another country, used against the Union and it took them two years to backengineer them is no bar to the Union inventing and fielding torpedo boats on a few weeks notice.

12. More ironclads!

In Summer of '62 "more ironclads" are Commissioning in US ports. Lets not worry that OTL with a major push and with access to more resources (like British machine parts and iron) in the summer of '62 the US Commissioned precisely one ironclad, the flawed New Ironsides (can maybe make an appearance in Sept'62, where the story has advanced too). So where are these new ironclads coming from?

13. Vive la Quebec!?

At some point Quebec is conquered and the much hated (by the Quebecois) Patriotes set up as a government. I seem to have missed to conquest, but then all the British defenders are busy besieging Portland. It seems that perhaps only western Quebec is occupied as TS is currently debating how to stage the British defeat battle of Berthierville.

Summary

It's pretty bad. How bad? It's approaching the level of realism of Harry Harrison's Stars of Stripes forever but without getting names wrong. Most of the minor details are wrong of course.

It is better than Tsouas's work? Hard to say, but both suffer similar faults. It is certainly much worse than Conroy's 1862.

Review Rankings

Writing: 5/10 - well written in parts but confusing to track events. Poorly written in other parts. Characters are unbelievable and the British read like an enemy in a Tom Clancy novel - nothing more than targets.
 
Reserach: 2/10 - whilst some research has been done the author does not understand the data he has compiled. He has not used most of the available resources on this matter such as Kenneth Bourne's "Great Britain and the Balance of Power in North America), Warren's "Fountain of Discontent" Ferris' "The Trent Affair" or any of the other standard works on this topic. He does not understand the British military system in the slightest, for example not even knowing the rank of a brigade commander in the UK system, or how many brigades constitute a division (two).

Realism: 1/10 - at no time did I ever consider the events realistic. Like a HH book the Americans are super-smart, and invent new gadgets with ease. American militiamen can easily defeat superior numbers of better armed British regulars. American ships easily smash RN ships that are faster, better protected and much more heavily armed.  The RN refuses to do what they historically planned to do, and the army refuses to attack, unless the Americans are heavily entrenched first. Very sporting.

Enjoyment: some - difficult to rate as this is clearly aimed at an American audience who appear to be insecure in their place in a changing world. To them it seems very enjoyable. To anyone that knows the subject the mistakes grate.

Overall - of some entertainment value, but poorly researched and unrealistic.

Monday, 18 August 2014

Wargaming - British Intervention Force 1862

Since Perry Miniatures have introduced a "British Intervention Force" range, it behoves someone to make an orbat. So here one is.

They look awfully pretty.


One suspects the main use will be for skirmish battles, but here I will provide a general orbat for the full five corps army.

Stucture: Five Army Corps?

Yes, five army corps. However the British conception of an army corps was smaller than a Prussian one at only ca. 12,000 bayonets, 1,500 sabres and 48 guns, divided mainly into two infantry divisions and a cavalry brigade. The cavalry brigades would in practice be consolidated into cavalry divisions of 2 or 3 brigades.

In this case one is assuming of the five corps one will be based at each of the five Imperial garrisons thus:

Lower Canada Field Force
1st Corps at Montreal
2nd Corps at Quebec

Upper Canada Field Force
3rd Corps at Kingston or Toronto
4th Corps at Toronto or London

New Brunswick Field Force
5th Corps thrusting at Portland, Maine (in conjunction with an amphibious division at Bermuda)

I've already posted the fortification plan here, but the troops there were largely to be militia, with regulars providing the main field armies.

Where are the Canadians?

Good question. Since the Canadians were never fully called up it is difficult to tell. However the 20th December 1861 callout of 45,000 volunteers from the militia in addition to at least 5,000 men in the active militia would give then some 50,000 in Canada proper. There were a number of officers dispatched as brigadiers for these militia list in Hart's 1862 Army List.

Cavalry Brigades
Col. Alexander Low
Maj. Taylor Lambard Mayne

Infantry Brigades
Col. Charles F. Fordyce
Lt. Col Austustus H. Lane Fox
Lt. Col. Henry Ralph Browne
Lt. Col Henry Hope Crealock
Lt. Col. Thomas Ross
Lt. Col. Edward Newdigate
Lt. Col. Alexander Taylor
Maj. Charles F. Torrens Daniell
Maj. FitzWilliam F. Hunter
Maj. John Wimburn Laurie 

Artillery Brigades
Lt. Col. G.B. Shakespear
Lt. Col. R.F. Mountain

So initially the Canadians field 2 cavalry brigades, 10 infantry brigades and attached artillery. I have not added this below due to a state of flux, but it is perhaps best to add a Canadian infantry brigade to each infantry division with the following stats:

Canadian Brigade (M4, PT, PM) OOOOOO

This would leave two extra Canadian brigades, which would best strengthen the Niagara frontier. As things progress Canada would be expected to provide another tranche of the same.

The two cavalry brigades would best be placed in divisions with two British brigades. Their stats would be:

Canadian Mounted Rifles Brigade (M4, Mounted Rifles, BLC) OOO

In the Maritimes it's pretty easy to form two Canadian type infantry brigades, one from Nova Scotia and another from New Brunswick and the PEI battalion. They're likely to also field a cavalry brigade based around the New Brunswick Yeomanry.

Stats - How Where They Decided?

Assuming the Americans of both flavours are largely M4, PT, PM with percussion smoothbores (+1 die, but 2" range), then these are reasonable. Note the RM(T) is not a rating in the VnB boxed set. The British regular is much better trained, and the easiest way to simulate this is partially the general rating of sharpshooter, but this alone restricts the British too much. To stay within the rules it is easiest to just declare the British have the equivalent of Cartridge Rifles, complete with the ability to go prone and the repulsing charges bonus.

The Canadians should be rated identically to the Americans.

The British artillery is considered Advanced Rifled.

Balance

There has been no attempt at balance. Merely an interpretation of what was. Yes, the British will frankly blow away any similar sized American formation, but if you use points then of course the Federal army will be a lot bigger due to the expense of British formations.

Points (rounded to nearest 5)
British regular brigade: 275 points
Federal volunteer brigade: 70 points

In a balanced game the Federals would be fielding a corps for every British division!

Exhaustion

Set at 60%. 

The Order of Battle



British Army of Canada – May 1862

FM The Duke of Cambridge (AC)

Army Artillery Reserve
Maj Gen Richard Dacres (DC)
1st Siege Battalion (M6, Rifled Siege) OO
2nd Siege Battalion (M6, Rifled Siege) OO
3rd Siege Battalion (M6, Rifled Siege) OO
4th Siege Battalion (M6, Rifled Siege) OO
5th Siege Battalion (M6, Rifled Siege) OO


1st Army Corps (Montreal)
Lt Gen Sir William J Codrington (CC)


1st Infantry Division
Lt Gen (Local) JR Craufurd (DC)
1st Brigade (M6, Shock, SS, RM(T), fully skirmishers) OOOOOO
(Maj Gen Lord Frederick Paulet; 1/Grenadier Gds, 1/Coldstream Gds and 2/ Scots Fusilier Gds) – from London (Fleet Guards Brigade)

2nd Brigade (M6, Shock, SS, RM(T), fully skirmishers) OOOOOO
(Maj Gen RP Douglas; 55th, 62nd and 63rd) – from Nova Scotia and Jersey


2nd Infantry Division (DC)
Lt Gen (Local) William Fenwick Williams (DC)
1st Brigade (M6, Shock, SS, RM(T), fully skirmishers) OOOOOO
(Maj Gen David Russell; 30th, 47th and 1/Rifle Brigade) – reinforced Canada in Summer ‘61
2nd Brigade (M6, Shock, SS, RM(T), fully skirmishers) OOOOOO
(Maj Gen Randall Rumley; 1/16th, 1/17th and 4/60th Rifles) – existing garrison


1st Cavalry Brigade (M6, Heavy, Shock, BLC) OOO
(Maj Gen Lawrenson; Household Cavalry Regiment, 5th DG and 5th L)


1st Corps Artillery
1st Division Battalion (M6, Rifled Heavy) OO
2nd Division Battalion (M6, Rifled Heavy) OO
Corps Reserve Battalion (M6, Rifled Heavy) OO
1st Horse Battalion (M6, Rifled Field) OO


2nd Army Corps (Quebec)
Lt Gen Pennefather (CC)


1st Division
Maj Gen Arthur, Duke of Wellington (DC)
1st Brigade (M6, Shock, SS, RM(T), fully skirmishers) OOOOOO
(Maj Gen Brooke Taylor; 1/2nd, 29th and 61st) – from Aldershot
2nd Brigade (M6, Shock, SS, RM(T), fully skirmishers) OOOOOO
(Brig Gen WG Brown; 1/8th, 53rd and 78th) – from Aldershot


2nd Division

Maj Gen Sir Richard Airey (DC)
1st Brigade (M6, Shock, SS, RM(T), fully skirmishers) OOOOOO
(Maj Gen George TC Napier 2/20th, 1/60th Rifles and 84th) – from Aldershot
2nd Brigade (M6, Shock, SS, RM(T), fully skirmishers) OOOOOO

(Maj Gen Henry Eyre; 1/5th, 2/18th and 73rd) – from Portsmouth and Plymouth

2nd Cavalry Brigade (M6, Shock, Lancers, BLC) OOO
(Maj Gen Lord Paget; 9th L, 12th L and 16th L)


2nd Corps Artillery
1st Division Battalion (M6, Rifled Heavy) OO
2nd Division Battalion (M6, Rifled Heavy) OO
Corps Reserve Battalion (M6, Rifled Heavy) OO
2nd Horse Battalion (M6, Rifled Field) OO


3rd Army Corps (Kingston)
Gen George Brown (CC)


1st Division
Maj Gen Henry E Breton (DC)
1st Brigade (M6, Shock, SS, RM(T), fully skirmishers) OOOOOO
(Maj Gen Lord William Paulet ; 1/24th, 49th and 2/60th Rifles) – from Portsmouth
2nd Brigade (M6, Shock, SS, RM(T), fully skirmishers) OOOOOO
(Maj Gen WN Hutchinson; 32nd, 37th and 73rd) – from Plymouth


2nd Division
Maj Gen CW Ridley (DC)
1st Brigade (M6, Shock, SS, RM(T), fully skirmishers) OOOOOO
(Brig Gen The Hon. Alexander Gordon; 2/19th, 58th and 87th) – from the Curragh
2nd Brigade (M6, Shock, SS, RM(T), fully skirmishers) OOOOOO
(Maj Gen AT Hemphill; 1/11th, 2/21st and 45th) – from Dublin


3rd Cavalry Brigade (M6, Heavy, Shock, BLC)
(Brig Gen GW Key; 4th DG, 11 H and 15 H)


3rd Corps Artillery
1st Division Battalion (M6, Rifled Heavy) OO
2nd Division Battalion (M6, Rifled Heavy) OO
Corps Reserve Battalion (M6, Rifled Heavy) OO
3rd Horse Battalion (M6, Rifled Field) OO


4th Army Corps (Toronto)
Lt Gen (Local) Sir James Yorke Scarlett (CC)


1st Division
Maj Gen Sir George Buller (DC)
1st Brigade (M6, Shock, SS, RM(T), fully skirmishers) OOOOOO
(Maj Gen Sir JEW Inglis; 2/2nd, 2/3rd and 2/7th Fusiliers) – from Gibraltar
2nd Brigade (M6, Shock, SS, RM(T), fully skirmishers) OOOOOO
(Brig Gen Atherley; 2/4th, 2/6th and 1/9th) – from Ionian Islands


2nd Division
Maj Gen Sir J Gaspard le Marchant (DC)
1st Brigade (M6, Shock, SS, RM(T), fully skirmishers) OOOOOO
(Maj Gen HK Bloomfield; 2/12th, 36th and 86th) – from Dublin, Cork and Kilkenny
2nd Brigade (M6, Shock, SS, RM(T), fully skirmishers) OOOOOO
(Maj Gen EWF Walker; 2/1st, 26th and 76th) – from Scotland and Manchester


4th Cavalry Brigade
(Brig Gen Edward C. Hodge; 6th DG, 1st D and 2nd D)

4th Corps Artillery
1st Division Battalion (M6, Rifled Heavy) OO
2nd Division Battalion (M6, Rifled Heavy) OO
Corps Reserve Battalion (M6, Rifled Heavy) OO
4th Horse Battalion (M6, Rifled Field) OO


5th Army Corps (Maritime Colonies and Maine)
Lt Gen Sir George Augustus Wetherall (CC)


1st Infantry Division
Maj Gen Hastings Doyle (DC)
1st Brigade (M6, Shock, SS, RM(T), fully skirmishers) OOOOOO
(Brig Gen Henry Bates; 1/15th, 2/16th and 2/17th) – already at Halifax, NS

2nd Brigade (M6, Shock, SS, RM(T), fully skirmishers) OOOOOO
(Maj Gen Sir Robert Walpole; 2/15th, 1/22nd and 4th Rifle Brigade) – from Malta

2nd Infantry Division
Maj Gen the Hon. AA Dalzel (DC) 
1st Brigade (M6, Shock, SS, RM(T), fully skirmishers) OOOOOO
(Brig Gen John Garvock; 1/3rd, 59th, 64th) – from Dover and London

2nd Brigade (M6, Shock, SS, RM(T), fully skirmishers) OOOOOO
(Brig Gen William Sutton; 1/10th, 2/25th and 96th) – from Shorncliffe


5th Cavalry Brigade
(Brig Gen John C Hope Gisbone; 4th H, 14th H and 18th H)


5th Corps Artillery
1st Division Battalion (M6, Rifled Heavy) OO
2nd Division Battalion (M6, Rifled Heavy) OO
Corps Reserve Battalion (M6, Rifled Heavy) OO
2nd Horse Battalion (M6, Rifled Field) OO




Amphibious Division (Based at Bermuda)
Maj Gen Antony B. Stransham
1st Brigade (M6, Shock, SS, RM(T), fully skirmishers) OOOOOO
(Maj Gen Hon James Lindsay; 3/ Grenadier Guards, 39th and 100th)
Royal Marine Brigade (M6, Shock, SS, RM(T), fully skirmishers) OOOOOO
(Col Comdt (Brig Gen) Alexander Anderson; 1st, 2nd and 3rd Battalions of Royal Marine Light Infantry)
Division Artillery (M6, Rifled Heavy) OO